In 1948, white supremacy was still the way of life in the South. It wasn’t something they whispered about behind closed doors. It was a well-known fact that white supremacy reigned king in the Southern states, and attacking white supremacy was the same as attacking the South. So, Truman’s 10-point civil rights program[1] was called anti-Southern legislation[2]. Here is what the president proposed:
A permanent commission on civil rights, a joint Congressional committee on Civil rights, and a civil rights division in the Department of Justice.
Strengthen existing civil rights statutes.
Federal prosecution against lynching.
Adequate protection of the right to vote.
A fair employment practice commission to prevent unfair discrimination in employment.
A ban on discrimination on interstate transportation facilities.
Suffrage in presidential elections for the residents of the District of Columbia.
Statehood for Hawaii and Alaska, and a more significant measure of self-government for our island professions.
Equalizing opportunities to become naturalized citizens
Settling the evacuation claims of Japanese Americans.
President Truman presented his 10-point program in a message to Congress on February 3, 1948. This 10-point program angered the Southern Congressman and led to an outburst on the House floor[3]. The Southern Congressmen accused Truman of “stabbing Southern supporters” by asking for laws against lynching and discrimination.
Mississippi Congressman John Bell Williams said, “I would rather see my party go down in honorable defeat than win an empty victory by stabbing its best friends in the back.” Two decades later, in 1968, John Bell Williams became the 55th Governor of Mississippi.
Congressman Jamie Whitten (D-MS) also gave a passionate House floor speech. “To the Democratic leaders, I say Governor Wright when he said they had the best stop, look, and listen. He had a reference to politics. I say both parties, Democratic and Republican, had best stop, look, and listen, or they are going to wreck this nation by directing their platforms towards obtaining the Negro vote in Northern cities, even if it calls for destroying State laws, State courts, and even State government[4].”
Truman was also at odds with Republicans in Congress over the $6.5 billion tax cut they were proposing[5] while he had proposed $6.8 billion for the Marshall Plan[6].
In early 1948, inflation and the cost of living were skyrocketing. The Truman administration pushed for Congress to do something about rent control and the rationing of food. Republicans weren’t interested in bending to Truman, and the Southern Democrats were unwilling to work with Truman over their fury on civil rights[7].
Governor Fielding Wright’s inauguration speech led the Republicans in Congress to push for anti-lynching and anti-poll tax legislation. That push led to threats from Southern Democrats to filibuster[8]. Simultaneously, the Senate Judiciary Committee considered three separate anti-lynching bills by Republicans and Northern Democrats[9].
Democratic Senator John Stennis from Mississippi, who had replaced Theodore G. Bilbo, an avowed white supremacist, promised to fight the anti-lynching bill[10].
Senator James Eastland, who sat on the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee, argued that most lynchings were because of rape accusations and pointed to the lynching of whites for sexual crime. So, lynchings were not racial but sexual[11], he asserted.
Walter White, the then secretary of the NAACP, testified to the Subcommittee. In his testimony, he stated that while the number of lynchings in America had sharply decreased, the threat of lynchings remained constant, as indicated by 31 narrowly averted lynchings in 1947. White said, “Lynchings had gone underground because of the pressure of public opinion due to the 25-year campaign by the Association for Anti-Lynching Legislation[12].”
During Walter White’s testimony, he classified “the Eastlands, Rankins, Bilbos, and Talmadges,” along with lynchers, as among the “most dangerous destroyers of faith in the Democratic process today.” Then he called the elected officials “demagogues.”
Senator Eastland, who arrived at the committee hearing late, walked in as the other committee members were rebutting White’s “slur.” When the other Senators told Eastland what had happened, Eastland responded, “That’s all right. I don’t want any controversy with this witness or any other nigger.”
A newspaper printed that Eastland said, “with this witness or any other neighbor.” When Eastland found out the reporter misquoted him, he called the newspaper’s office and told them, “It wasn’t neighbor, nor was it negro as some still thought, but it was N-I-G-G-E-R[13].”
In Mississippi, Governor Fielding Wright wasn’t going to wait 40 days. On February 12, Mississippi held its first meeting to map its strategy against Truman’s civil rights program. The plan was for Mississippi to lead the other Southern states to fight against Truman and civil rights. They had backed all over the South, where Southern Democrats felt like they had become doormats to Northern legislators[14].
Over 5,000 Mississippi Democrats came together for that meeting in Jackson, where they sang Dixie and backed a resolution for the conference of “All True White Jeffersonian Democrats[15].”
During that same week, hundreds of Black men also gathered in Jackson for a state-wide mass meeting at Central Methodist Church. In addition, they sent a telegram to President Truman, giving him a 100% endorsement of his civil rights program. They also sent a petition to Governor Wright to establish a permanent bi-racial commission to develop conditions for the greater good of Mississippi State[16].
By mid-February, many Southern Democratic legislators talked about doing away with the electoral college and choosing the president by popular vote. The idea was that by doing this, the Northern Democrats would stop trying to court Black people for their votes, and white Southerners would have more swing in Federal elections[17].
Mid-February also brought the publishing of a letter dated February 8 from the NAACP to Governor Strom Thurmond. The NAACP told the Governor it objected to his leadership regarding fighting the president’s civil rights proposal. The letter was from James Hinton, the NAACP’s South Carolina president. In that letter, he said to Thurmond that Black people in South Carolina wanted a chance for equal job opportunities and the end of lynching. Hinton urged Thurmond to “denounce and condemn the stand of the Southern Governors[18].”
On February 19, 1948, there was a $100 per plate Jefferson-Jackson dinner where prominent Democrats rallied around President Truman. However, many prominent Southern Democrats canceled going to that dinner. Mrs. Johnston, the wife of South Carolina Senator Olin Johnston, told local papers they were canceling “because they didn’t want to be seated next to negros[19].” This incident ultimately haunted Senator Johnston for years.
On February 20, 1948, about 50 Congressmen from 11 Southern states held a secret meeting in Washington, DC, and formally declared war on Truman’s civil rights program. They adopted a resolution, pledging cooperation with the Southern Governor’s opposition to the president’s program for anti-lynching, anti-poll tax, and anti-segregation legislation[20].
The secret meeting took place behind closed doors in the House Banking Committee room on Capitol Hill. The states represented in that meeting were Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia[21].
Ironically, these are the same states which seceded from the Union to form the Confederate States of America in 1861.
The same day that the secret meeting had taken place, President Harry Truman gave a campaign speech. He spoke of opponents to his civil rights legislation proposal. He never mentioned Southern Democrats but instead referred to them as “forces of reactionary Conservatism.” He described those standing against his proposals as defeatists, backward-looking, and men with small visions and faint hearts[22].
Several Southern Governors met with the Democratic National Chairman, J. Howard McGrath, in Washington DC on February 23, to discuss President Truman’s civil rights program[23].
Before that meeting, McGrath was quoted in the Memphis Commercial Appeal saying, “I don’t see what purpose the Southern Democrats hope to accomplish. President Truman won’t back down from his 10-point civil rights program. It would be political suicide[24].” Despite that, McGrath agreed to the meeting and promised to relay all the information to the president.
The Southern Governors who went to the meeting with McGrath were:
Ben Laney, Arkansas
Strom Thurmond, South Carolina
Beauford Jester, Texas
Gregg Cherry, North Carolina
William Tuck, Virginia
They went into that meeting in a fighting mood.
These governors each publicly stated they would resort to whatever means necessary to prevent Federal Laws against racial discrimination and block legislation related to Truman’s civil rights program.
During the meeting, Howard McGrath gave the Southern Governors a flat no regarding withdrawing Truman’s civil rights program. He also refused to restore the two-thirds rule, which would have given the South a veto in the choice of a presidential candidate at the Democratic National Convention.
Despite what the Southern Governors said and McGrath’s hairline response, McGrath implied in a later news conference that he felt he had made progress against the Southern revolt. He said, “The meeting resulted in good understanding. I hope this lessens the split in the party. I, for one, appreciate the South’s loyalty to the Party[25].”
After the meeting, Southern Governors called for Democrats everywhere to revolt against Truman’s civil rights program. As February 1948 rolled to an end, more Southern Democrats joined the rebellion. Jasper County, South Carolina Democratic Party seceded from the Democrats[26], the Texas State Democratic party became in turmoil as they fought over which side to support[27], and all the while, the GOP licked its chops at the votes they could pick off.
Alabama Democrats planned a walkout of the Democratic National Committee in July to withhold electoral votes from Truman[28]. In Virginia, the Governor asked the Virginia Congress to pass a law to keep President Truman off the ballot[29].
The end of February also brought historical rulings on several racial bias Supreme Court cases. The court ruled that a steamship line in Michigan violated a Black high school girl’s civil rights when she was the only person removed from the steamship during a field trip with her all-white classmates. The court overturned a case in North Carolina in which Black workers were arrested over a strike and then indicted by an all-white jury[30].
[1] The Northwest Enterprise, “Civil Rights Plan Offered,” (February 4, 1948)
[2] The Durant News, “Wright Warns National Dems Leaders,” (January 22, 1948)
[3] Evening Star, “Southerners Threaten Break with Truman on Civil Rights Plan,” (February 3, 1948)
[4] Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 80th Congress Second Session
[5] J. A. O’Leary, “House Rejects Democrat Plan for Tax Slash,” (February 02, 1948)
[6] David Lawrence, “Friction on Aid Laid to Lack of Candor by Truman,” Evening Star, (February 2, 1948)
[7] The Chicago Star, “New Bill Would Remove Rent Lid,” (February 7, 1948)
[8] The Ohio Daily Express, “GOP’s in Congress Push Anti-Lynch, Anti Poll-Tax,” (January 21, 1948)
[9] Associated Press, “Morse and Keating Ask Anti-Lynching Law,” Evening Star, (January 21, 1948)
[10] The Ohio Daily Express, “Senator Plans Fight on Anti-Lynching Bill,” (February 2, 1948)
[11] The Detroit Tribune, “Lynching Not a Race Issue, Just Murder,” (February 7, 1948)
[12] The Detroit Tribune, “Walter White Testifies on Lynching Law,” (February 7, 1948)
[13] The Ohio Daily Express, “Didn’t Say Neighbor, Sen. Eastland,” (February 14, 1948)
[14] Hazel Brannon, “Through Hazel Eyes,” The Durant News, (February 12, 1948)
[15] Associated Press, “5,000 Mississippians Call National Meeting in Democratic Revolt,” (February 13, 1948)
[16] The Jackson Advocate, “Statewide Negro Mass Puts Future of Democracy and Nation’s Prestige Abroad Above Race,” (February 21, 1948)
[17] James Y. Newton, “Specter of Helping GOP Apt to Keep South in Line,” Evening Star, (February 15, 1948)
[18] The Ohio Daily Express, “South Carolina NAACP Objects to Governor on Civil Rights,” (February 16, 1948)
[19] Associated Press, “McGrath Admits Peril to Party, pleads with Wallace to Stop Drive,” Evening Star, (February 19, 1948)
[20] Associated Press, “Demo Solons Declare War on Truman’s Civil Rights,” The Orange Leader, (February 20, 1948)
[21] The Northwest Enterprise, “Southern Demos Oppose Truman’s Anti-Lynch, Poll Tax, Segregation,” (February 25, 1948)
[22] The United Press, “Truman Asks Battle Against Reactionary Conservatism,” Breckenridge American, (February 20, 1948)
[23] Associated Press, “Southern Governors to Use all Means to Fight Truman Plans,” Evening Star, (February 24, 1948)
[24] Associated Press, “McGrath Believes Conference with Governors Useless,” The Orange Leader, (February 19, 1948)
[25] Associated Press, “Southern Governors to Use all Means to Fight Truman Plans,” Evening Star, (February 24, 1948)
[26] The Detroit Tribune, “Dixie Rebels Secede from Party in SC,” (February 28, 1948)
[27] The United Press, “Texas Political Parties Torn by Internal Dissensions,” Sweetwater Reporter, (February 26, 1948)
[28] The United Press, “Southern Walkout Demos Proposed,” Breckenridge American, (February 29, 1948)
[29] Alex R. Preston, “Tuck Asks Law to Keep Truman Off State Ballot,” Evening Star, (February 26, 1948)
[30] Louisiana Press Association, “Race Bias Cases Before Top Court Making History,” The Potters Herald, (February 26, 1948)